LouiseArrowsmith

Your politics are built around public power: stronger welfare, regulated rents, public water, redistribution and an unapologetically interventionist response to climate change. Yet this is not soft-edged universalism; you want migration capped, intolerant ideologies contained and faith subordinated to UK law — a striking border running through an otherwise strongly left-wing worldview.

A while back, you were The Green Border Dissenter; you have not abandoned that identity, but you have made its economic core more explicit. Recent votes against oil and gas, welfare cuts and forced community service sharpen the collectivist side, while your immigration instincts remain firm rather than spreading into a wider law-and-order conservatism.

You are a genuine middle-ground dissenter in national terms: your record lands with the UK about as often as it breaks against it. You side with the country on some cultural and institutional anxieties, but stand apart when the majority backs punitive welfare, private provision or fossil-fuel expansion.

You follow a centre-right crowd without becoming one of them, agreeing with it only a little over half the time. Constancia is your closest ally, especially on immigration and other questions, but your economic and constitutional instincts pull you into separate territory.

The open question is whether your green redistributionism can coexist with increasingly assertive cultural boundaries; ten more votes will show which side sets the terms. Every vote sharpens this portrait, and your next ten unlock a fresher, truer read.

You want a more generous, interventionist UK: public ownership, a strong welfare state, serious climate action and energy transition rather than market-first economics. But your collectivism stops at the border, and your instincts on rights, benefit legitimacy and punishment can turn distinctly firm; you want protection without pretending every claimant or institution is beyond scrutiny.

You have moved from The Welfare-First Border Hardliner to The Green Border Dissenter — holding the same expansive social and green core, but becoming more selective about where firmness belongs. Recent votes sharpen that edge: you backed climate and care, yet also demanded benefit data, tougher standards for office-holders and resisted making higher earners repay Winter Fuel Payment.

You are clearly further left than the UK’s usual instincts on tax-and-spend, welfare, public services and the environment, but you are not simply anti-majoritarian. You often join the country on migration restriction and institutional discipline, while breaking with it on a rights-entrenching constitution, stronger climate priorities and a less punitive approach to welfare.

You run somewhat against a Centre-leaning circle rather than living in its middle. danashton is your closest ally — lockstep on environment and governance, but divided on immigration and defence — while constancia is the sharpest clash: you meet on immigration, yet part ways over economy and the constitution.

Your open question is whether the border hardliner remains a contained exception to your social-democratic worldview, or starts pulling your justice and rights politics rightward. Ten more votes will test that fault line, and each one will make the picture truer.

You are clearly left overall, with an unusually muscular belief in welfare, public provision and environmental action: a National Care Service, stronger benefits, public utilities and serious decarbonisation. But your social democracy has a hard perimeter; you want generous collective protection for people inside the country, while cutting migration and limiting access to benefits for non-citizens.

A while back, you were The Redistributive Traditionalist; now you are a more sharply defined Welfare-First Border Hardliner. The old cultural and border tension has held, but your record has widened decisively on climate, public ownership, care and opposition to welfare cuts, while your newer immigration votes have made the contradiction harder to miss.

You split from the UK about as often as you join it, but your dissent is patterned rather than random: you reject easier housebuilding, tuition-fee rises and the welfare brake even when the national mood favours them. Your sharpest break is backing lower migration while resisting the punitive instincts that often travel with it — including the death penalty and criminal penalties for false racism accusations.

You run somewhat against your Centre-leaning circle, agreeing with it just over half the time. danashton is your closest ally, especially on governance and the economy, but you part ways on rights and education; constancia is the real friction point, with shared ground on immigration and energy but a deep split over economy and the constitution.

Your next ten votes will test whether the border hard line can coexist with an ever larger, greener state — and whether your constitutional instincts finally settle. Keep voting: this is already an unusually distinctive picture, and every ten more ballots make the read truer.

Your welfare instincts are unambiguous — a National Care Service, NI rises to fund an earlier retirement — while on questions of identity and rights you swing hard right: transgenderism as a cultural danger, the burka banned, foreign offenders deported fast. This isn't muddle, it's a real Britain some people want: generous at the till, strict at the border.

You're often out of step with the country's instincts, agreeing with the national majority on only 4 of your 10 votes — you backed Scottish independence and scrapping nuclear development when most of Britain didn't, yet you also matched the nation on deportations and the Care Service. You're not a contrarian by design; your left economics and right culture just don't sit where the median voter sits.

You run with a Centre-Right circle but only agree with them just over half the time — closer to ChrisJones, your most reliable ally, than to VivienneAngeliqu, with whom you clash hard, especially on the constitution. That's the fault line to watch: you and your circle share the border-and-rights instincts, but the state's shape and Scotland's future pull you apart.

Nine scored votes is early days — the welfare-left, rights-right split is already sharp, but the constitution category is where you and your circle genuinely part ways, and that's the thread worth pulling. Vote again and this profile gets sharper — a fresh read lands every week.