drayton

You vote for a tougher, more self-governing UK: immigration sharply reduced, welfare conditional, crime punished, and constitutional power kept away from separatist institutions. Your instincts are unusually consistent across borders, rights and the NHS — but not blindly statist: you favour more private provision, balanced books and fewer automatic guarantees such as the triple lock. Even your support for severe punishment comes with a lawyer’s objection to “overbroad wording”: hard-line, but not careless.

You were The Devolution Abolitionist; now you are broader and more formidable — a constitutional border hardliner whose sovereignty instinct reaches welfare, health, education and public order. The core has held steady, but you have sharpened it through lower migration, fiscal restraint and rearmament, while revealing one useful wrinkle: you will decentralise money and power when it strengthens local delivery, even if you distrust devolved political authority.

You usually run with the country rather than against it, matching the UK majority on most recent votes, but your convictions are harder-edged than the national mood. The tension is telling: you oppose state-led campaigns to restore social values — “not the government’s job” — while backing a powerful state on borders, schools, prisons and national security.

Your next ten votes will test whether this is a settled sovereignty doctrine or a sharper argument for competent, limited government; the picture only gets truer each time you cast one.

You're Hard Right and largely unshakeable on it — unanimous on rights, constitution and immigration — building a Britain where the state polices the border, the courts punish without flinching, and devolution is rolled back rather than deepened. Living in Edinburgh South, you voted to axe the Scottish Parliament and against giving Holyrood more power: not a contradiction to you, a conviction.

Last time you were the Denunciation Hardliner, defined by that vivid death-penalty line about "a bomb at a pop concert." You haven't softened — if anything the constitutional edge has sharpened into outright abolitionism — but the old tension holds too: you still break left on the electricity market and financial-sector regulation, the technocrat's exceptions inside a hardliner's ledger.

You're split almost down the middle with the country, but the agreements are mundane — potholes, e-scooter limits — while the disagreements are the ones that matter: the nation wanted Holyrood strengthened and the NHS Bill passed, you wanted neither, and on axing the Scottish Parliament you're standing with barely a third of Britain against most of your own city.

No circle data yet — that's the open thread for next time. Keep voting; every ballot sharpens this picture, and a fresh read lands weekly.

You're voting for a Britain that punishes hard, controls its own deterrent, and refuses to dilute its institutions — whole-life sentences, an independent nuclear arsenal, no closer EU ties, no wealth tax. Order and sovereignty aren't policy positions for you, they're the whole point of the state.

You split almost evenly with the country, but the pattern beneath the split is sharp: where Britain drifts toward EU closeness or taxing wealth, you pull hard away; yet on distrust of the finance sector's grip on the economy, you break left with the majority — a rare crack in an otherwise disciplined right-wing record, alongside quiet sympathy for tackling welfare's causes over cutting its cheques.

Early days by the numbers — 27 scored votes — but the shape is already unmistakable and rare among readers here: a hardliner on punishment and sovereignty who won't quite let free-market orthodoxy off the hook on finance. Keep voting and this read keeps tightening — the next ballot you finish is the one that decides whether that crack widens or closes for good.